Faith and Felonies: Why Trump’s Sins Don’t Matter to His Religious Base
Have You Ever Wondered Why Religious Voters Keep Backing America’s Most Immoral President?
Introduction
For more than a decade now, millions of religious Americans have been giving Donald Trump one moral “free pass” after another. From the moment he launched his first presidential run in 2016 through his reelection in 2024 and into his second term in 2025, Trump has enjoyed remarkably steady support from key faith-based groups.
About 8 in 10 white evangelical Christians voted for him in 2016, an astonishing number that barely dipped in 2020 and remained high in 2024. A majority of white Catholics also backed Trump in those elections. Even more extreme factions, often described as Christian nationalists or dominionists (who believe America should be governed as a Christian nation), have become some of his most fervent supporters.
This sustained devotion from churchgoers and religious activists has puzzled many Americans. How can devout Christians, Catholics, and other people of faith continue to rally behind a leader whose life and conduct seem to clash so starkly with the values they preach?
Trump’s Well Documented Record of Bad Acts
It’s not as if Trump’s personal record aligns with traditional moral ideals – far from it. A cursory glance at his public behavior and legal troubles reads like a checklist of things that would typically horrify any religious community. Consider the following highlights of Trump’s record:
- Twice impeached by the House of Representatives (in 2019 and again in 2021). He was charged with abuse of power and obstruction of Congress in the first impeachment, and incitement of insurrection in the second, hardly the résumé of an upright leader.
- Indicted on 91 felony counts across four separate criminal cases by 2023, leading to the unprecedented spectacle of a former U.S. president being arrested and booked four different times. These indictments range from alleged business fraud to mishandling classified information and conspiring to overturn an election.
- Dozens of felony convictions. In fact, Trump is now a convicted felon many times over. Courts have found him guilty on 34 felony counts related to falsifying business records and other crimes, a stunning rebuke of his business ethics and honesty.
- Held liable for sexual assault in civil court. A jury in a civil case concluded that Trump sexually abused and defamed writer E. Jean Carroll, ordering him to pay tens of millions of dollars. In essence, a court of law determined that the sitting president had committed sexual violence against a woman – a finding virtually without precedent in American politics.
- Habitual infidelity and sexual scandals. Trump has openly bragged about groping women without consent (“grab them by the p----,” as caught on tape) and has a long history of extramarital affairs. He cheated on his first wife, Ivana, with Marla Maples, who became pregnant with his child while he was still married to Ivana. Then, while married to Marla, he began an affair with Melania, who would become his third wife, at the same time he was publicly seen with other women, including a Playboy Playmate, during the very month his son with Melania was born. And let’s not forget, just four months after Melania gave birth to that same son, Trump had a sexual encounter with porn star Stormy Daniels, an affair he later tried to cover up with hush money, which now forms part of his felony convictions. These are not mere rumors; they are well-documented events that Trump himself often doesn’t bother denying.
- Dangerous minimization of a deadly pandemic. As President, Trump publicly downplayed the COVID-19 crisis, even after he knew how lethal the virus was. He dismissed scientific advice, mocked masks, and claimed the virus would “just disappear.” This behavior sowed confusion and resistance to public health measures. America ultimately suffered one of the world’s highest COVID death tolls, and experts believe many of those losses (several hundred thousand) were preventable with responsible leadership. Trump’s approach put countless lives at risk, a grievous moral failing by any faith’s standards of protecting human life.
- Massive fraud and corruption judgments. In addition to his criminal charges, Trump and his business empire have been hit with civil lawsuits exposing widespread fraud. In one landmark case, a judge found Trump liable for years of financial fraud – inflating his assets and cheating banks and insurers. The penalties in that case and others total over $400 million. His charitable foundation was shut down for self-dealing, and his “university” paid a $25 million settlement for defrauding students. These outcomes paint a picture of chronic dishonesty and greed.
- Endorsing political violence and lawlessness. After the January 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol by a pro-Trump mob, Trump praised the rioters as "patriots" and indicated he would pardon many of them. In fact, upon returning to office, he immediately moved to pardon or commute sentences for about 1,500 January 6 participants. Rather than unequivocally condemning the attempt to overturn a democratic election by force, an event in which some rioters carried Christian flags and prayed in the Senate chamber after breaking in, Trump offered them comfort and support.
- Surrounding himself with criminals. An extraordinary number of Trump’s closest associates have been convicted of crimes or indicted. His 2016 campaign chairman, deputy chairman, and personal lawyer ended up in prison. His first National Security Advisor pleaded guilty to a felony. Numerous advisors, from Roger Stone to Steve Bannon to Rudy Giuliani, have been convicted or charged with serious offenses.
The pattern is unmistakable: Trump has built a network of unscrupulous people and, at best, turned a blind eye to their misdeeds, at worst encouraged them. For religious voters who often speak of the importance of good character and honest associations (“bad company corrupts good morals,” as the Bible says), this alone should have been a giant red flag.
By any normal moral or ethical standard, this litany of scandals and crimes would be disqualifying. Most church communities wouldn’t accept a pastor or even a youth group leader who had a fraction of Trump’s baggage. In theory, religious Americans extol values like honesty, fidelity, humility, kindness, respect for the law, and personal responsibility. Yet when it comes to Donald Trump, huge segments of the faith community have not only tolerated his glaring lack of these virtues, they have doubled down in their support.
One prominent evangelical leader even justified looking past Trump’s affair with Stormy Daniels by saying, “We gave him a mulligan” – using a golf term for a do-over without penalty. It’s as if each sin or scandal is just another stray golf shot that can be ignored so the game can continue.
Why do so many religious leaders treat Trump like he can do no wrong?
This raises a critical question for the health of American democracy and the soul of its religious communities: Why do these religious groups keep giving Trump endless mulligans? How can Evangelical Christians, Catholics, and avowed Christian nationalists continue to cheer on a leader whose life embodies so much of what their faiths traditionally reject? The answers are complex, but several key reasons help explain this great paradox:
1. He appoints “pro-life” judges — so nothing else matters. For many religious conservatives, especially evangelical Protestants and conservative Catholics, opposition to abortion is the single-issue vote to end all single issues. Trump recognized this from the start and delivered in spades.
He promised to appoint Supreme Court justices who would overturn Roe v. Wade, and he kept that promise by installing three deeply conservative, anti-abortion justices. The result: Roe was indeed overturned, paving the way for states to ban abortion – a dream the religious right had pursued for nearly half a century. In these voters’ eyes, this accomplishment alone earns Trump a permanent moral get-out-of-jail-free card. They believe he has saved countless unborn lives through his judicial picks, and thus they’ll excuse almost any other behavior.
It’s a transaction: he gave them the judges (and hundreds of lower court judges) who will shape abortion and religious liberty laws for decades, so they overlook lies, corruption, and even attacks on democracy. To them, nothing outweighs “saving babies,” not even 91 felony indictments or an insurrection against the government. Trump understood that as long as he remained staunchly “pro-life” in his actions, a huge bloc of religious voters would stick with him no matter what he said or did.
2. He’s their “Cyrus”: flawed, but chosen by God. Many evangelical leaders and believers have adopted a theological justification for supporting such an imperfect man: they compare Trump to the biblical King Cyrus or King David. Cyrus was a non-Israelite king whom God used to restore the Jews from exile; David was a beloved king who nonetheless committed egregious sins.
The point of these comparisons is to say that God can use flawed, even sinful, individuals to achieve divine purposes. In this narrative, Trump’s moral failings do not disqualify him, they may even be part of why God chose him, to show that the Almighty can work through anyone.
Prominent pastors have preached that “no perfect person is running for president” and urged the faithful to see Trump as a tool in God’s hands. Some have gone so far as to declare that Trump has been anointed by God to lead America at this pivotal time. They see providence in his unlikely rise to power and in the way he survived scandals that would have sunk any other politician.
This belief is incredibly powerful: if one truly thinks Trump is God’s chosen instrument, then opposing Trump means opposing God’s plan. It becomes easy to rationalize away Trump’s ugly behavior as simply the rough edges of a modern King Cyrus. Even his legal troubles can be cast as the work of demonic or “deep state” forces trying to thwart God’s anointed. In short, viewing Trump as a messianic or kingly figure chosen by the Lord allows devoted Christians to excuse virtually anything – because to them, criticizing Trump is like doubting God’s wisdom.
3. He says “Merry Christmas” and that’s basically theology. It sounds almost trivial, but symbols and slogans matter, and Trump excels at catering to cultural Christianity. For years, many conservative Christians have been stewing over what they perceive as a secular assault on their faith in American life. They bristled at stores saying “Happy Holidays” instead of “Merry Christmas,” and they felt marginalized when prayer was removed from schools or when nativity scenes were moved off public property.
Trump tapped directly into these emotions. He loudly proclaimed, “We’re going to be saying Merry Christmas again!” as if this were a core campaign promise. He peppered his speeches with references to God and faith (despite rarely attending church himself). He staged photo ops brandishing a Bible and promised that under his leadership, “we worship God, not government.”
To highly devout voters who felt culturally disrespected, these gestures were incredibly validating. At last, here was a president who unabashedly embraced Christian holidays and language in public. It didn’t matter that his personal understanding of Christianity seemed shallow – what mattered was that he was restoring their preferred cultural symbols. In their eyes, Trump stood against the forces of secular political correctness. Something as simple as cheerfully saying “Merry Christmas” became proof that Trump was on their side in the broader culture war against secularism.
It’s basically a form of identity politics: he spoke the code words of the evangelical subculture, which signaled to them that he was one of them (or at least fighting for them). This sense of shared identity through catchphrases and symbols made followers far more willing to overlook behavior that didn’t exactly line up with the Sermon on the Mount.
4. He hates the same people they do. This is a harsh way to put it, but it captures a real dynamic: Trump targets and demonizes the very groups that many religious conservatives also view with hostility or fear.
From day one, Trump launched his political career by railing against immigrants, particularly those coming from Latin America and Muslim-majority countries. A significant segment of his religious base, despite their faith’s teachings of compassion, share his suspicion or dislike of immigrants (especially undocumented immigrants or refugees). They worry that newcomers will dilute America’s Christian character or bring in dangerous ideas. Likewise, Trump’s administration systematically rolled back LGBTQ+ rights and transgender protections, aligning with the beliefs of many conservative Christians that LGBTQ+ identities are sinful or threatening to the traditional family.
When Trump attacks the press as “fake news” and calls journalists “enemies of the people,” many of his religious supporters cheer because they, too, distrust the mainstream media, seeing it as biased against their values. And when Trump sneers at the academic and scientific elites, casting doubt on universities and experts, it resonates with those who feel that “ivy league” culture is condescending to flyover country believers.
In essence, Trump and these religious supporters have the same list of adversaries: immigrants who look or worship differently, LGBTQ+ individuals seeking equal rights, journalists who investigate conservative figures, and academics who challenge creationism or Christian nationalist versions of history.
The old saying “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” holds true here. They are willing to forgive Trump’s sins because he fights those they perceive as threatening sinners. If he shares (or at least weaponizes) their prejudices, then in their mind he’s defending them and their faith from “corrupting” influences.
This attitude is, of course, in tension with the love-thy-neighbor ethos of Christianity, but years of culture-war rhetoric have conditioned these voters to prioritize combating their chosen enemies over loving them. Trump gives voice to their anger and resentment, so they in turn are quick to absolve him of virtually anything. The cruel irony is that a faith centered on love and humility has been rechanneled by some followers into a vehicle for grievance and even hatred, and Trump has masterfully ridden that vehicle to power.
5. He gave them political power and access they never had before. Another huge factor is the unprecedented influence that religious conservatives enjoyed under Trump’s presidency. Previous Republican presidents certainly courted the evangelical and Catholic vote, but none opened the doors of power to them quite like Trump did.
He invited prominent pastors and Christian right activists into his inner circle, forming evangelical advisory boards and consulting them on policy decisions. He hosted prayer meetings in the Oval Office where televangelists laid hands on him and prayed. Trump made sure that evangelical figures and culture-war warriors had positions in his administration or were at least regularly heard.
For example, he chose Mike Pence – an outspoken evangelical Christian – as his vice president, essentially assuring religious conservatives that their views had a direct line to the top. He appointed people like Betsy DeVos, a hero to Christian school advocates, to his Cabinet. He frequently met with groups like the Faith and Freedom Coalition, listening to their legislative wish lists. In policy areas from education to foreign affairs, Trump gave Christian conservatives seats at the table (such as pushing policies favorable to Christian homeschooling and private religious schools, or moving the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, which thrilled many evangelicals).
This level of access and influence was intoxicating. Religious activists who had felt on the margins of federal power suddenly were shaping executive orders and being celebrated by the President. They came to see Trump as their champion in a very tangible way, not just someone who agreed with them, but someone who empowered them. Walking away from Trump now would mean losing that hard-won influence.
Many believe no other Republican (or certainly any Democrat) would ever give them the same level of direct power. So they stand by him fiercely, because he made them insiders after years of being political outsiders. This transactional loyalty, power in exchange for allegiance, means that as long as Trump keeps them in the halls of power, they are willing to turn a blind eye to behavior that would have made them scream for a politician’s resignation in other circumstances.
6. He financially benefited them through tax breaks, deregulation, and religious exemptions. Trump didn’t just give intangible power; he also delivered tangible financial and legal benefits to religious institutions and interests. One of the first things he did was ease up enforcement of the IRS rule that prevents churches from engaging in overt political campaigning (the Johnson Amendment). He repeatedly promised to “totally destroy” that rule, effectively encouraging pastors to preach politics without fear of losing tax-exempt status.
His administration expanded religious exemptions for businesses and organizations so they wouldn’t have to provide contraception coverage or other services that conflicted with their beliefs. This was hailed by religious freedom advocates.
Trump’s Department of Health and Human Services carved out broad exceptions for faith-based adoption agencies to allow them to receive federal funds even if they refused to place children with same-sex couples. He also signed big tax cuts that many wealthy evangelical donors and business owners appreciated (and which indirectly benefited some large churches and ministries that rely on those donors). Even during the COVID-19 pandemic, the Trump administration made sure that churches were eligible for emergency small-business loans and aid, which resulted in thousands of religious organizations, including quite wealthy megachurches, getting federal funds to stay afloat.
On the deregulation front, Christian colleges and universities got friendlier treatment regarding accreditation and rules, and religious broadcasters had a sympathetic ear at the FCC. All of these actions had dollar signs attached and helped shore up the institutions that form the backbone of religious conservative America. When you’re wondering why a given pastor in, say, a 5,000-member church might tell his flock to stick with Trump, remember that his church’s finances and freedoms saw real advantages under Trump’s policies. This isn’t to suggest it’s all cynical or solely about money, but it’s a powerful incentive. Trump effectively said to religious America, “I will give you advantages and privileges; in return, I expect your loyalty.”
For many religious leaders and communities, that deal was too good to pass up. They gained legal exceptions and tax benefits that furthered their ministries or personal pocketbooks. So when Trump stumbles morally, they aren’t eager to cast him out; that would jeopardize the gravy train he set in motion. They’ll justify and overlook his wrongs because, in a very practical sense, they feel better off with him in charge.
7. Many believe America should be a Christian theocracy, and Trump enables that. A segment of Trump’s religious base doesn’t actually want a pluralistic democracy, they want something closer to a theocracy, a nation explicitly run according to (their interpretation of) Christian scripture.
These individuals often call themselves “Christian patriots” and adhere to what’s known as dominion theology: the idea that Christians are called to take dominion over all aspects of society and government. While this is a fringe viewpoint, it has gained surprising traction in recent years. Trump, though not devout himself, became a vehicle for this vision.
He appoints judges and officials who are sympathetic to integrating Christianity into public policy. Under Trump’s Supreme Court, for instance, decisions have come down that blur the church-state separation line (allowing more prayer in public schools, funding for religious schools, etc.). Christian nationalist leaders have openly said that Trump’s presidency gave them an opportunity to advance laws rooted in biblical morality, from banning abortion to restricting LGBTQ rights to even trying to officially declare that the United States is a Christian nation.
Trump’s rhetoric often flirted with this idea: he would say things like “We don’t worship government, we worship God” and frame issues in terms of godliness versus ungodliness. To those who think the country has drifted into sin and secularism, this sounds like a clarion call. They are willing to support Trump through anything because they see him as the battering ram that could break down the wall between church and state. In their eyes, Trump is facilitating the return of America to its “Christian foundations.” Whether it’s appointing education officials who want the Bible taught in schools or nodding along to pastors who declare America a Christian nation in his presence, Trump signals that he’s okay with their theocratic aspirations.
This is incredibly alarming to those of us who cherish the First Amendment and religious freedom for all, but for dominionist-minded voters, it’s thrilling. They’ll countenance a bit of tyranny or corruption if it means installing what they view as God’s law over the land. For them, the end (a Christian nation) justifies the means (backing an immoral figure).
Trump’s willingness to erode the constitutional separation of church and state is a feature, not a bug, for these supporters. So no matter how many laws he might break, if he’s helping them pursue the ultimate law – God’s law as they define it – they’ll give him a pass every time.
8. Loyalty and tribal identity now trump moral consistency. Beyond specific issues or theological justifications, there is a broader sociopolitical force at work: tribalism. Over the past years, white evangelical Christians (and to a somewhat lesser extent conservative Catholics) have increasingly intertwined their religious identity with a conservative Republican identity. Supporting Donald Trump has become as much a marker of membership in their community as attending Sunday service. In many of these circles, to criticize Trump is to risk estrangement from friends and family.
Conversely, rallying around Trump is a way to show solidarity against those they perceive as the common enemy (liberal secular America, the Democrats, the media, etc.). In this environment, loyalty is a supreme virtue – loyalty to the tribe, and by extension to its champion, Trump. This helps explain why even revelations that would normally scandalize church folks (say, a president paying hush money to a porn star) are quickly dismissed or forgiven: admitting Trump did wrong would hand a win to the “other side,” and that feels intolerable.
Psychology also plays a role. After defending Trump through so many controversies, supporters face a kind of sunk-cost fallacy and cognitive dissonance. It gets harder and harder to acknowledge any wrongdoing because that might imply that they were mistaken or misguided in their fervent support earlier. Instead, it’s easier to double down and reinterpret every new Trump transgression as either not a big deal or a fake attack by enemies.
This dynamic has led to a profound moral relativism among some religious Trump supporters, something that would have shocked their former selves. The absolutist moral stances (“character counts,” “family values matter in a leader”) have been replaced with situational ethics because maintaining group unity and winning the political war takes precedence. In effect, their political tribe has become almost like a second religion, one in which Trump is the leader. And in that religion, you don’t judge the leader by the usual standards; you defend him against outsiders at all costs.
This tribal loyalty is incredibly hard to break, because it’s reinforcing on a social and even emotional level. It’s about belonging. Thus, for many, sticking with Trump is as much about sticking with their community and identity as it is about Trump himself. They will give him mulligan after mulligan because, in their mind, leaving him would feel like a betrayal of their own people, and perhaps even their faith, since it’s all been fused together.
9. Religious leaders have tied their credibility and influence to his success. Finally, it’s important to understand the role of religious leaders – pastors, televangelists, Christian authors, and organizational heads – who have publicly championed Trump. Many of these figures went out on a limb to endorse Trump early on, surprising even some in their congregations.
They justified this support with passionate sermons, books, and broadcasts portraying Trump as essential for America’s salvation (political and spiritual). In doing so, they effectively tied their own reputations to Trump’s fate. If Trump were broadly discredited or if they were to turn against him, it would reflect directly on their judgment and possibly cost them followers.
For example, famous evangelical leaders like Jerry Falwell Jr., Franklin Graham, and Paula White staked much of their public witness on Trump. They praised his policies, downplayed his sins, and in some cases even echoed his conspiracy theories. Smaller church pastors followed their lead, urging congregations to pray for Trump and vote for him as a matter of godly duty. Over time, this created a feedback loop: the flock grew more pro-Trump, which in turn pressured any doubting clergy to get on board or risk losing their flock. By 2024, an entire ecosystem of Christian media and ministry was aligned with Trumpism.
Now, with Trump back in the White House for a second term, these religious leaders are reaping what they sowed, for better or worse. They have influence and access, yes, but they also are now captive to Trump’s fortunes. To maintain their authority and influence, they have to continue justifying support for a man whose behavior keeps testing the limits. If they suddenly condemned Trump’s actions, their followers could turn on them for “betraying” the cause, or simply become disillusioned that these leaders led them astray. Thus, many clergy and religious influencers find ways to rationalize even the most indefensible Trump antics, because to do otherwise would undermine their own platform.
It’s a vicious cycle: the more they defend Trump, the more invested they become in his survival and dominance. Their credibility with their base is now intertwined with Trump’s credibility. So they give him endless mulligans, publicly forgiving or glossing over each new scandal, in the hope that the movement they’ve built (and their place in it) continues to thrive. In short, they made a pact, consciously or not, that as long as Trump delivers power and cultural victories for the faith, they will ignore or absolve his sins, effectively trading the moral high ground for continued influence.
Where does this leave American democracy and the integrity of our religious institutions?
As a concerned citizen and lawyer, I find this alliance profoundly worrying. The alliance between Trump and these religious groups has indeed achieved some of their short-term aims, but at a steep cost to the moral fabric of our nation. When faith leaders and voters decide that the ends justify the means, our constitutional system of checks and balances and our national unity suffer.
America was founded on principles of liberty, justice, and the rule of law, ideals shared by people of many faiths and of no faith. Our Constitution explicitly prohibits any religious test for office and enshrines the separation of church and state to protect both government and religion from corrupting each other. Yet here we are, witnessing a segment of religious America essentially suspend its moral judgment for the sake of political expediency. If a president can engage in rampant unethical and illegal behavior yet still claim the pious vote, what does that say about our collective commitment to truth and virtue?
The consequences of this moral abdication are dire. It means that instead of serving as the conscience of the nation, some religious communities have become cheerleaders for corruption and authoritarian tendencies. This sets a precedent that any future leader who flatters a particular religious group can expect carte blanche, a truly dangerous precedent in a republic.
It also further divides our country. Nothing is more divisive than a faction believing it has God on its side no matter what its leader does. That kind of absolutism erodes the possibility of compromise, understanding, and national healing. We are already seeing political violence justified in God’s name and democratic norms trashed with biblical rationalizations.
If this trend continues, our children and grandchildren will inherit an America where power is more important than principle, where winning eclipses justice, and where religious rhetoric is used to excuse deeds that once would have been universally condemned.
As a people, we have to ask: Is this the future we want? Do we want to live in a country where moral consistency and accountability disappear whenever it’s politically inconvenient? Where religious faith is weaponized to cover for the very behavior that faith is supposed to stand against?
I deeply respect the positive role that faith can play in individuals’ lives and in our society. That’s why it’s heartbreaking to see those values seemingly cast aside. The Scriptures revered by these communities are filled with calls for justice, honesty, humility, and compassion. If those ideals are sacrificed on the altar of political power, then both our democracy and our religious integrity will crumble.
In summary, Donald Trump keeps getting mulligans from various religious groups because they feel he delivers what they want: sympathetic judges, cultural validation, common enemies vanquished, influence and benefits, even the hope of a nation remade in their religious image. Human nature being what it is, people find ways to justify a great deal when they think the stakes are high and their identity is on the line.
But America’s experiment in self-government depends on our ability to hold leaders accountable to basic standards of decency and the rule of law, regardless of tribal loyalties or partisan goals. When any group, secular or religious, grants blind loyalty to a leader, our whole nation edges closer to tyranny.
My hope is that Americans of faith will rediscover the moral courage to apply the same standards to political leaders that they would to anyone else. No more automatic mulligans. Our democracy, our Constitution, and the character of our nation demand nothing less. If we fail to meet that challenge, we risk losing the very soul of America, and that is something no prayer or prophecy will easily restore. The choice, and the responsibility, lies with us.
Mitch Jackson, Esq. | links
This post is free.
But free doesn’t build the future.
Independent journalism only works when people like you choose to lean in—not just with attention, but with support.
If my work and message resonates with you,— today’s a great day to take the leap.
It’s also a unique gift to a family member or friend who is interested in this kind of commentary on breaking political news and democracy.
At just $5 a month. $50 a year. It’s a small investment in something bigger than all of us.
